WOIPFG: An Investigative Announcement on the Anti-Falun Gong Comments Made by Li Zhanjun, Director of Beijing Olympic Media Center

November 10, 2007

 

On November 8, 2007, Li Zhanjun, Director of Beijing Olympic Media Center, announced that the Chinese authorities would allow those athletes and tourists of major religions to carry religious-related items with them during the Beijing Olympic Games and that the Beijing Olympic Village would provide facilities to accommodate Christians, Catholics, Muslims, Orthodox Jews, Hindus and Buddhists. But Li Zhanjun added that this policy would not be applied to Falun Gong, a religious group banned by the Chinese authorities.

 

We do not acknowledge Falun Gong because it is a cult. So Falun Gong texts, Falun Gong activities are forbidden in China. Foreigners who come to China must respect and abide by the laws of China. Li Zhanjun added.

 

Lately, China has been condemned for its worsening human rights abuses in China ahead of the 2008 Olympic Games and accused of supporting Sudan government on its genocide crime. In response, China announced to open doors for foreign media before the Olympics, but it has escalated its domestic control and repression. In April 2007, China‘s Ministry of Public Security secretly issued an order to require strict nation-wide background checks on all the people in China and from overseas that will be participating in the Olympic Games. The notice targets and will possibly ban 43 types of people during the 2008 Olympics. The secret notice went to security officials and agencies throughout China. On the other hand, China made a public announcement to open for foreign media during the Olympic Games to mitigate public criticisms from international society. Meanwhile, the Chinese authorities retaliated by denouncing that the public criticisms on its worsening human rights condition turns the Olympics into political games.

 

China‘s official media and the Olympic Games official website try to avoid public discussions on China‘s ban on specific group or people from participating in the Olympic Games, but Li Zhanjun has made a public announcement to comply with the Chinese Communist Party’s policy on the suppression of Falun Gong by banning Falun Gong from the Olympic Games. Li Zhanjun’s announcement has fully illustrated that no one except the Chinese Communist Party is turning the Olympics into a political game. More specifically, Beijing Organizing Committee for the Games is politicizing the Olympic games.

 

The Chinese Communist regime has been using the security of the Olympics as an excuse to arrest Falun Gong practitioners at will and throw them into forced labor camps. Officials from Beijing 2008 Olympics Games Bidding Committee and Organizing Committee are incorporating the Chinese Communist Party’s political policy on the suppression of Falun Gong into its agenda. The World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong (WOIPFG) will now release part of its investigation and will continue to keep a close watch on further developments on the issue.

 

Those Chinese officials that have openly attacked Falun Gong in the name of Beijing Olympic Organizing Committee are:

 

Liu Jingmin (male), Vice Mayor of Beijing and Executive Vice President of the Beijing Organizing Committee for the Games

He Zhenliang (male), Advisor to and Executive Member of the Beijing Organizing Committee for the Games

Li Zhanjun (male), Director of Beijing Olympic Media Center

Tian Yixiang (male), the head of the Military Department under the 2008 Olympic Game Security Command Center

 

In addition, Liu Qi (male), Chairman of Beijing 2008 Olympic Games Organizing Committee and Mayor of Beijing was sued in the U.S. and Chen Zhili (female), First Vice-President of the Beijing Organizing Committee and former Minister of Education, faced a lawsuit in Tanzania because they both have been actively suppressing Falun Gong. In Liu Qi’s case, the court entered a default judgment in favor of the plaintiff.

 

In addition, WOIPFG has listed Jiang Xiaoyu (male), Executive Vice-President of the Beijing Organizing Committee for the Games and former Department of Propaganda of the municipal CCP committee, and Zhang Mao (male), former Vice Mayor of Beijing, on it’s investigative report for their roles in the persecution of Falun Gong.

 

WOIPFG hereby emphasizes that anyone who uses the Olympic Games as a mandate to slander, attack or suppress Falun Gong shall face his/her personal legal consequences ultimately. WOIPFG will continue to assist and cooperate with the criminal investigation agencies and all the righteous individuals around the world to thoroughly investigate all the individuals and organizations involved in the persecution of Falun Gong, hold them accountable for their legal responsibilities no matter how long it will take. We shall assist the victims of the persecution of Falun Gong to bring all the criminals to justice as a lesson to the world’s people.

 

World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong (WOIPFG)

Tel: 347-448-5839; : 347-402-1444
: P.O. Box: 84
CNew York, NY, USA 10116

Website: , http://zhuichaguoji.org

Investigation Report:

Studying Abroad Under the Communist Party—How China’s Diplomatic Missions Control and Use Overseas Chinese students

 

(July 25, 2007)

 

“It is said that each CSSA chapter is a non-political organization, but each is in fact very much politically oriented, and necessarily so. The Consulate provides funding and resources to each CSSA, which amounts to tremendous assistance, for this resolves all financial worries the student organization might otherwise have. However, our sense is that the Consulate exercises influence in still other, more significant, manners.”

 

– Blog by Chinese student in Canada [1]

 

1.      Introduction

 

Chinese Student and Scholar Associations (CSSA) comprise students and scholars from mainland China, who study and work in universities around the world. The groups often portray themselves as independent organizations committed to the welfare of Chinese students and promotion of Chinese culture. There is much evidence to suggest, however, that they are in fact closely controlled and funded by Chinese diplomatic missions. Chinese embassies and consulates use the CSSA to extend the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) influence abroad, including for the purposes of manipulating U.S. foreign policy, inciting hate against other students, and violating the rights of people outside China.

 

Drawing on Chinese media articles, investigative interviews, as well as CSSA documents and websites, this report analyzes the Chinese government’s control of overseas Chinese student associations. Following a brief introduction to the CSSA network, this report will present evidence of how Chinese embassies and consulates exercise this control, including through membership on advisory boards. The report with then consider four case studies illustrating the tasks the missions have assigned in the past to CSSAs to complete on their behalf and in order to promote CCP interests regarding Taiwan, Jiang Zemin’s visit, Falun Gong and New Tang Dynasty TV’s Chinese Classical Dance Competition. The final section will illustrate the way in which the Chinese government uses funding to exercise control over the CSSAs.

 

2. Background on CSSA network

 

The CSSA network outside of China is extensive, with associations existing in at least 12 countries as early as the year 2000. In the United States, there are at least 109 such associations, of which 60 are listed by name on China Scholars Abroad, an official website created by the Chinese government. [2] Such lists do not appear to be complete, however, suggesting that the number of associations is in fact much larger. For example, only CSSA-UK is listed under Great Britain on the China Scholars Abroad page [3], but a look at the CSSA-UK site reveals a list of over 70 CSSAs across the United Kingdom [4]. Our research also found organizations in Ireland, Germany, France and Canada.

 

 3. Formal relationship between CSSA and Chinese embassies and consulates

 

The CSSA’s close relationship with Chinese diplomatic missions abroad is common knowledge among Chinese students and manifests in several ways, ranging from vague references in the association’s bylaws to consular representation on the group’s advisory board.

 

Our research found that many CSSAs directly state in their constitutions or on their websites that the organization is under the leadership of the local Chinese embassy or consulate. Thus, the CSSA at England‘s Sunderland University states that “our association is under the leadership and guidance of the Chinese Embassy in the United Kingdom and CSSA-UK.” [5] Similarly, CSSA-France’s Art Troupe states in its bylaw that the group is under the guidance and supervision of the Education Section of the Chinese Embassy in France. [6]

 

In other instances, consular officials not only offer general “guidance” and “supervision” but hold formal positions within the organization, facilitating their intimate involvement in its activities. For example, on the CSSA-Republic of Ireland‘s website, Tang Jiwei, First Secretary of the Education and Culture Department of the Chinese Embassy in Ireland, is listed as an official contact of the organization. [7] Moreover, the embassy is listed as the CSSA’s primary contact address on its website. [8] In the United States, two of the three CSSA Advisory Board members of Columbia University are officials of the Chinese Consulate General in New York City. They are education consul Fanglin Ai and Da Yao, who is in charge of New York City and Long Island. [9] The CUCSSA webpage also boasts that its constitution was reviewed by the Consulate General of the PRC in New York.[10]  In addition to serving as advisor for Columbia University’s CSSA, Da Yao is also listed as an advisor of the CSSA at Cornell University’s Weill Medical College. [11]

 

An additional avenue of Chinese government control is through CSSA Presidents’ Committees, established since 2000. The committees operate on a regional level, under the direction of the local Chinese consulate. For example, on February 9, 2003, the official CCP mouthpiece Xinhuanet reported that the Chinese Consulate General in Los Angeles had founded the US Southwest CSSA Presidents Committee. The report announced that “the Committee enrolled the CSSA of 18 colleges and universities, as well as national laboratories in Southern California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Hawaii as members, including 12 president’s units.”[12] More recently, on May 26, 2007, the Education Section of the Chinese Consulate General in Houston hosted a meeting for 30 CSSA presidents from Texas and Louisiana. [13] During the meeting the presidents reported on the achievements of their groups, including in “suppressing the moving space of enemy force.”[14]

 

4. The Nature of the relationship: “Carrying out orders.”

 

While it is not unusual for diplomatic missions to maintain a relationship with students from their countries studying abroad, in the Chinese case, it is the nature and purpose of the relationship that is disconcerting. As one CSSA in Germany states on its website, the duties its membership is to fulfill include “passing on and discussing how to carry out the orders from the Chinese Embassy and the Ministry of Education of China.” [15] What kinds of orders? As the following case studies indicate, these often involve coordinated action to support and implement CCP policies—including by taking advantage of democratic processes—all the while presenting the image of an independent student organization representing Chinese student views.

 

a. Writing to Representatives Regarding U.S. Police towards Taiwan

 

In 2004, Zhang Zhigang, Education Secretary at the PRC Consulate General in Chicago circulated a letter to CSSA chairs in the area informing them of an “important task” assigned by the Consulate General. The task was for them to “call for as many Chinese students and scholars as possible to write e-mails to their respective Congressmen and Senators,” urging them not to support Chen Shui-bian, Taiwan’s president. Zhang then attached sample letters and contact information of the representatives for the students’ reference. Lastly, he set a deadline for the task—that it be completed by March 20 and that a status report be submitted by March 16 (the full text of the letter is attached in Appendix A to this report). [16]

 

The irony and insidiousness of Zhang’s request is striking. Chinese students who could not elect their own officials or freely express their opinions in China are being ordered by their Communist government to write to democratically-elected officials in the United States and urge them to support CCP policy on Taiwan. At the same time, U.S. officials receiving such requests are likely to believe these are genuine reflections of Chinese students’ opinions, rather than a coordinated effort by the Chinese government to manipulate U.S. foreign policy from the inside.

 

 

b. Organizing Teams to Welcome High-Ranking Chinese Communist Leaders

 

Another common task assigned to CSSA presidents is to organize their members to join groups welcoming CCP leaders during their state visits overseas. Besides waving flags, such “welcome teams” regularly seek to interfere with other demonstrators, often groups protesting against human rights violations in China, such as the suppression of Tibetans and Falun Gong practitioners. The “welcome teams” block the other protestors’ paths, play loud Chinese drums to drown out their calls, and have even tried to rip down their banners.

 

The connection between the “welcome teams” and the CSSA is evident from the example of former CCP leader Jiang Zemin’s visit to the United States in 2002. On October 16, 2002, the Friendship Association of Chinese Students and Scholars (FACSS) circulated a contract to its member CSSAs, requiring that overseas students who wish to welcome Jiang sign it [17] The contract essentially required the students to waive their right to share the views of the other protest groups, thereby ensuring the appropriate level of “patriotism” among the “welcome teams.” The action was not without its own element of coercion. The contract stated that if anyone caused a disturbance, he or she agreed to pay $5,000. Moreover, the FACSS warned in its e-mail that if anyone violated the contract after signing, he or she would immediately be sued (the full text of the contract is attached in Appendix B). [18]

 

c. Persecuting and Slandering Falun Gong

 

Since the CCP started persecuting Falun Gong in 1999, CSSAs abroad have also carried out anti-Falun Gong activities under the direction of Chinese consulates and embassies. This is despite the fact that before 1999, overseas Chinese students practicing Falun Gong had been active CSSA members. Thus, in February 2001, CSSA members in the Houston area attended an anti-Falun Gong forum held at the Chinese Consulate General in Houston. [19] The following month, Zhang Hongzi, Consul General of the PRC in New York, held an anti-Falun Gong forum at Columbia University. Approximately sixty CSSA members from various institutions in the New York area attended the forum. [20] During the meeting, Zhang Kuan, CSSA Chairman of greater New York, and several others initiated a proposal to suppress Falun Gong. [21] Such activities have not been limited to the United States. The constitution of CSSA-Sunderland in England explicitly states that the group would “co-operate with our Chinese embassies and consulates in Great Britain to … fight against Falun Gong.” [22]

 

More recently, CSSA groups have been actively interfering in events on university campuses regarding recent reports of organ harvesting from Falun Gong prisoners of conscience in China. One of the most prominent of such incidents occurred at Columbia University, surrounding a forum entitled “China’s New Genocide,” on April 20, 2007. Speaking at the event was David Matas, a Canadian human rights lawyer and co-author of an independent report on organ harvesting from Falun Gong. Prior to the forum, Columbia University’s CSSA (CUCSSA) circulated an e-mail urging Chinese students to stage an on-site protest to disrupt the event, even if this would entail “inevitable physical contact” with campus security. The e-mail stated: “We will use the see of [Chinese Communist] flags, dyed with blood, to strike hard against [Falun Gong’s] arrogant fervor, and to resolutely defend the honor and dignity of the Motherland!” [23]. According to the Epoch Times, during the forum, CUCSSA students “held signs bearing communist slogans and hate speech typically used by state-controlled media in Mainland China” and two students were forced to leave after they had disruptively waved the offensive signs and interrupted forum speakers.[24] After the event, CSSAs from 25 universities in the greater New York area published open letters to support CUCSSA’s action.[25] The letters was immediately reprinted by the CCP’s mouthpiece Xinhua Net as proof that the crackdown on Falun Gong has received overseas support. [26] Meanwhile, CUCSSA posted nine articles attacking and defaming Falun Gong, all linking to the Chinese embassy’s website. [27] Similar CSSA interference in Falun Gong-related events has also occurred recently at Princeton University and the University of Pittsburgh.

 

d. Interfering with NTDTV’s Dance Competition

 

New York-based New Tang Dynasty Television (NTDTV) recently hosted an International Chinese Classical Dance Competition at New York University from July 6 to 8 in 2007 [28]. Because of NTDTV’s independent and outspoken reporting, as well as its long term coverage of human rights violations in China such as the persecution of Falun Gong, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was determined to suppress the NTDTV-sponsored cultural event. On April 26, 2007, China Net published a letter from the Chinese Anti-Cult Association to the Chinese Dancer Association, defaming NTDTV and its dance competition. [29] On June 8, the CCP’s mouthpiece Xinhua Net published another slanderous article again entitled the “Story behind NTDTV’s Dance Competition.”[30]

 

Almost immediately, New York University’s Chinese Culture Club (which in Chinese is called the NYU Chinese Student and Scholar Association) began to actively cooperate with the CCP regime in sabotaging the event. On the same day of Xinhua Net ‘s article, the NYUCCC started a signature campaign to oppose NTDTV’s Dance Competition taking place on NYU’s campus. [31] The petition letter was posted on the group’s website in both Chinese and English. Not long afterwards, Columbia University’s CSSA published an open letter on its website citing support for NYUCCC [32] (See also Appendix C for evidence of consular involvement).

 

 5. Chinese embassies and consulates provide operating funds to CSSA

 

In addition to coercion and pressure to be “patriotic,” funding is another key way in which the Chinese embassies and consulates exercise control over CSSAs overseas. A Chinese Ministry of Education document regarding budgets lists “Propaganda Fund Disbursement,” an item under which the Education Section of overseas embassies and consulates are required to “allocate funds for student’s social activities” each year. [33] Thus, at the beginning of each year, student associations are to submit a detailed budget to their local consulate or embassy followed by an expense report at the end.

 

That the Chinese government provides funds for CSSAs has been verified by Zhang Pingqiang, former CSSA President at George Brown College and Windsor University in Canada. According to Zhang, the local Chinese consulate provides funds to each CSSA. In some cases, CSSA groups have explicitly cited Chinese government funding. [34] Thus, the finance section of Oxford University’s CSSA bylaw records that: “CSSA funding came from Embassy disbursement, donations, sponsors and ticket sales.” [35] Following are three additional examples of thousands of dollars paid by Chinese overseas missions to CSSA budgets.

 

Example 1: The 2005 Financial Statement of the University of Tennessee’ CSSA showed that three quarters of its budget came from funds disbursed by the Chinese consulate, while the other 25 percent came from excess funds left over from 2004. [36]

 

Example 2: In 2006, the Chinese Embassy in Washington DC gave the CSSA at North Carolina State University four separate grants for activities surrounding the Mid-autumn Festival and the PRC’s National Day. The sums were for $1,200, $1,700, $1,173, and $1400, for a total of more than $5,000. [37]

 

Example 3: Ivy League schools on the U.S. east coast apparently receive special attention from the CCP and have obtained even more funding. One MIT alumnus disclosed that in 2003 the publicized portion of the left over fund of the CSSA at Massachusetts Institute of Technology amounted to more than $25,000. [38]

 

6. Conclusion

 

The above evidence points to a disturbing phenomenon of how the Chinese government manipulates overseas student organizations using funding, direct orders and even threats to draw their cooperation. These associations are used for carrying out tasks that advance CCP interests while undermining democracy and human rights outside of China. They deceptively try to manipulate U.S. foreign policy and incite hatred against fellow students who practice Falun Gong, while attempting to quash peaceful dissent against Chinese government policies that have claimed thousands of lives. Such behavior is unacceptable, and possibly illegal, in a democratic society. We urge the U.S. government and American universities to take the necessary steps to end these abuses by the CCP, for they not only victimize Falun Gong practitioners and other dissidents, but both the American and Chinese people as a whole.

 

References:  

 

1. “Current situation and development of Chinese Student Association in Canadian Universities”, study in Canada blog (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://www.studyinca.com/cn/artis/arti_61.htm. 

2. “Overseas Foreign Students Scholars Association,” China Scholars Abroad website (Accessed July 19, 2007)

http://www.chisa.edu.cn/chisa/article/20050819/20050819008194_1.xml. 

3. Ibid.

4. Listing of student associations, Chinese Students Scholars Association @UK website (Accessed July 19, 2007)

http://www.cssauk.org.uk/local.

5. Experiences of the student association’s work, CSSA-Sunderland, August 17, 2006 (Accessed July 19, 2007)

http://www.cssasunderland.co.uk/list.asp?Unid=174. 

6. “Regulation of All France CSSA’s Art Troupe,” All France CSSA website, January 18, 2003 (Accessed Jully 19, 2007)  http://www.ucecf.org/xlyst.htm. 

7.  Contact information of staff at Chinese embassy in Ireland, includes listing of Tang Jiwei, First Secretary for Education (Accessed Jully 19, 2007) http://ie.chineseembassy.org/chn/sgxx/t108809.htm.

8. Contact form, CSSA@Ireland website, lists Tang Jiwei and Chinese embassy address as addressee (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://www.cssaireland.org/index.php?option=com_contact&Itemid=3.  

9. Advisory Board members, Columbia University CSSA website (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://www.cucssa.org/advisory.asp.

10. “Constituion of the Columbia University Chinese Students and Scholars Association,” January 2007 (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://www.cucssa.org/read3.asp?id=1287.  

11. Medcssa website (Accessed July 19, 2007) www.medcssa.org/node/422.

12. “Founding of US Southwest CSSA Presidents Committee”, XinhuaNet 2003-02-09

 http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2003-02/09/content_720176.htm.

13. Report on China Scholars Abroad regarding that in the afternoon of May 26, 2007, the Education Section of the Chinese Consulate General in Houston held a meeting for CSSA presidents from Texas and Louisiana. http://www.chisa.edu.cn.

14. Ibid.

15. “Student Association Regulations,” Wurtzburge CSSA, Germany, May 6, 2002 (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://wuerzburg.kaiyuan.de/classical/c5.htm.

16. Letter from Zhang Zhigang, on file with WOIPFG.

17. FACSS contract regarding welcome teams, on file with WOIPFG.

18. Ibid.

19. “Chinese Students in Houston Expose and Criticize Falun Gong”, Newsletter of Chinese Students in America, March 26, 2001

20. Geng Wenmo, “Chinese Students and Scholars in New York Area Held Forum to Expose and Criticize Falun Gong”, www.Chinanews.com.cn, March 19, 2001.

21. Ibid.

22. CSSA Sunderland constitution.

23. Stephen Summer, “Facing Communist Hecklers, Speakers Expose Abuse in China, “ The Epoch Times, April 21, 2007 (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://en.epochtimes.com/news/7-4-21/54393.html.

24. Evan Mantyk, “Columbia University Forum Reveals Organ Harvesting in China,” The Epoch Times, April 28, 2007 (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://en.epochtimes.com/news/7-4-28/54666.html.

25. “A Public Support Letter to CUCSSA from 25 CSSAs around Great NYC,” July 5, 2007 (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://www.cucssa.org/read.asp?id=319.

26. “Chinese Students in US Wrote Open Letter to Protest Against Falun Gong Damaging China’s Image”, www.Chinaqw.com.cn, May 21, 2007

27.”Lives in NYC,” Columbia University CSSA website, June 17, 2007 (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://www.cucssa.org/anclass.asp?id=49.

28. NTDTV International Chinese Classical Dance Competition (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://dance.ntdtv.com/web/?q=en/front.

29. Letter regarding NTDTV Dance Competition,” April 26, 2007, www.china.com.cn

30. “Story Behind NTDTV’s Dance Competition”, Xinhua Net, June 8, 2007.

31. “NYUCCC called to boycott Falun Gong’s ‘Dance Competition’”, XinhuaNet, June 20, 2007; “Open Letter causing panic within upper echelons of Falun Gong”, XinhuaNet, June 21, 2007.

32. “A Support Letter to NYUCCC,” Columbia University CSSA News, June 17, 2007 (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://www.cucssa.org/read.asp?id=349.

33. Ministry of Education, Education-Financial notice [2005] No. 2, “Tentative Measures on Implementing Financial Responsibilities at the Education Section (or Group) of Overseas Embassies and Consulates,” Auditing Department of Sun Yat-Sen University website (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://ce.sysu.edu.cn/sjc/Article/ShowArticle.asp?ArticleID=485.

34. Chinese student blog, see note 1.

35. Bylaw of CSSA at Oxford University, Oxford CSSA website (Accessed July 19, 2007)

 http://users.ox.ac.uk/~cssa/depts&members.htm. 

36. “2005 Fiscal Year Financial Total,” CSSA University of Tennessee-Knoxville, on file with WOIPFG.

37. North Carolina State University CSSFA website (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://www.ncsu.edu/stud_orgs/cssfa/index.html.

38. “Open letter of a MIT alumni to overseas Chinese students regarding CSSA”, The Epoch Times (Chinese edition) June 22, 2007 (Accessed July 19, 2007) http://epochtimes.com/gb/7/6/22/n1751002.htm.  

 

 


Appendix A:

Zhang Zhigang letter regarding U.S. policy on Taiwan

 

Dear Chairmans of CSSA:

             The Consulate General has assigned you the following important tasks:

             We’ve learned recently that Congressman from Florida Peter Deutsch is trying to persuade all House of Representatives and Senators in US to co-sign a letter, supporting Chen Shui-bian’s so-called “defensive referendum”, which was to be held on March 20. We request you to use the name of fraternity, to call for as many Chinese students and scholars as possible, to write e-mails to their respective Congressmen and Senators, not to support Chen Shui-bian’s wrongful act, as it will hurt Chinese people’s feeling. (I have attached sample letters for your reference. You could modify them as needed, but pay attention to your tone in the e-mail; I’ve also attached the contact information of the addressee.)

             You must finish the task by March 20 and you should e-mail me about your status on March 16.In particular, you should inform me of how many individuals have participated.

             We hope that everyone will show your patriotism and strong wish of Chinese people longing for a peaceful unification of our homeland!

                                                           Zhang Zhigang

                                                          March 12, 2004”

 

 

Appendix B:

Contract for Chinese students joining “Welcome teams” prior to Jiang Zemin visit

 

The contract was written in English as follows:

 

“PARTICIPATION AGREEMENT


Group X invites _______________ to be a member in the Welcoming Group. In consideration for this invitation, I agree to abide by the rules and regulations of the Welcoming Group. I also agree if any disturbances are caused by me (e.g. protest against the
United States and/or President of China) to pay $5,000.00 as minimal damages for any harm that may result from such disturbances to the group’s reputation.  Also, in regards to disturbances, I agree that if any another group such as, Fa Lun GUNG, contact us or we become aware of any threats of disturbance by any other groups, I agree to contact the group leaders of the Welcome Group as well as the proper authorities.

We understand it is our right to protest with any other groups our views and opinions, but in becoming an active member in the Welcome Group, we voluntarily waive any such rights.”

 

 

 

 

Appendix C:

Transcript of conversation with Chinese consular representative

 

The following is the transcript of a conversation between a WOIPFG investigator and Da Yao, consul in the Chinese Consulate-General in New York, covering New York City and Long Island. Da Yao is also one of three Advisory Board members of Columbia University’s CSSA. The conversation took place in June 2007 and illustrates the Chinese consulate’s current control of CSSAs, as well as its direct involvement in NYUCCC’s opposition to NTDTV’s Dance Competition.

 

Consul: Good morning!

 

Investigator: Hi, Good morning! Is this the educational exchange affairs?

 

Consul: This is the Education Group in Chinese consulate.

 

Investigator: What’s your name?

 

Consul: My last name is Qiao.

 

Investigator: Hi, Mr. Qiao…I want to tell you something…It’s about the petition on Dance Competition. Now the pressure on Ke Xiao is really big. Whom should we consult? …

 

Consul: OK, you can call this number: 8003.

 

Investigator: Who should I look for at 8003?

 

Consul: Look for Consul Da Yao.

 

Investigator: Oh, Consul Da Yao, 8003, Thanks!

 

Consul: OK.

……

 

Investigator: I want to tell you something. Do you know Ke Xiao?

 

Yao: Ke Xiao?

 

Investigator: Yes. Now the pressure on him is quite big…. Can the consulate help him?

 

Yao: Yes. We are doing it now. I think, eh, it’s better to mobilize other universities to disperse this thing. Look at the Columbia University [Translation note: he refers to Columbia University CSSA (CUCSSA)]. They seem to publish a …

 

Investigator: Which school did you say?

 

Yao: Columbia University

 

Investigator: Oh, Columbia University has already started.

 

Yao: Yes.

 

Investigator: … That means if not from New York, other states are also fine, right?

 

Yao: Sure. All are fine.

 

Investigator: Some students are not …. Is it OK those high school students get involved?

 

Yao: Don’t use individual name. Use Student Association’s name.

 

Last Updated ( Friday, 27 July 2007 )

Investigation Report on Clandestine Operations of Organ Harvesting from Live Falun Gong Practitioners in China

(2007年7月25日)

The World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong (WOIPFG) has made significant progress recently on the investigation of clandestine operations of harvesting organs from live Falun Gong practitioners in China. The investigation further confirmed that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Regime had been harvesting organs from live Falun Gong practitioners in mainland China. Detained Falun Gong practitioners, who went to appeal but didn’t give out their names, were primary targets of this systematic killing. The aforementioned crime reached its peak around 2003 and was virtually public knowledge, but now it had turned into a furtive operation. This is an ongoing systematic crime that had been authorized, sanctioned and collaborated within the judicial system of CCP Regime. The military and armed police hospitals had been identified as major organ transplant institutions and sites where harvesting organs from live Falun Gong practitioners took place.

During the investigation, WOIPFG investigators had contacted a broker representative of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army No. 307 Hospital, in the name of helping family members and friends to find suitable kidney supply for their transplant requests. The contact lasted for several weeks and the conversation time totaled several dozens of minutes. WOIPFG has compiled complete record of the conversation and other forms of evidence. If any interested organizations or individuals need further information, please contact WOIPFG. This report will be updated as new evidence become available in the future.

I. Organ harvesting from live Falun Gong practitioners by CCP reached its peak around 2003 and is still going on today

A: WOIPFG Investigator

B: Organ broker representative

A: Hi, how are you? Last time I talked to you about contacting the kidney supply sources. How is it going?

B: You meant that, contacting the prison, or “that something”?

A: Yes, the source of Falun Gong practitioners, I meant.

B: Finding a way? I tell you that I cannot search randomly for you. I have to find it. To tell you the truth, all I am looking for is of this kind —.

A: Right now it is like this, I told you before, as long as you can find this type, then you go ahead and help me check it out, whether….

B: I told you before, didn’t I? I told you before that we told you the real story, we have done two cases. You know, we did two cases.

A: You mean two operations involving Falun Gong practitioners as source?

B: That’s right, we did two cases. The prison told us they did that with Falun Gong. I also told that lady that we indeed performed such operations. Now, however, it is getting more difficult than before.

A: Alright, besides it, how could you be so sure he (the source) was a Falun Gong practitioner, did you find out for sure?

B: How to positively identify as Falun Gong practitioner, well, when the time comes — when the time comes our side, our Boss will have people showing you information, you know, he will show you the information and data, you can be sure.

A: Oh, that’s fine.

B: They have all the information and data, even including individual resumes.

A: Oh, so there were more cases around 2003?

B: Of course. There were tons of Falun Gong’s on file around 2003.

A: That is what I mean; it was much easier for you to get the organs for the operation at that time, right?

B: Ah, since 2003, I tell you the facts, I handled two cases in 2003, and I started in 2003.

II. Detained Falun Gong practitioners, who went to appeal but didn’t give out their names, were primary targets as sources of live organs

A: I heard from others that, several years ago, they arrested many Falun Gong practitioners who did not give out their names after they were detained, quite a few, they detained them underground, the kind of place that was neither prison nor labor camp…

B: You are talking about what’s going on around 2003 time frame. I knew exactly what you were talking about. They did not reveal their name starting from 2003. From now on, Falun Gong was no longer an issue, they were pretty much all suppressed and were out of the picture now.

A: Right.

B: Out of picture meant it is already — extremely rare, extremely rare, you know.

A: Right.

B: Very few, now the source was in very tight supply, so if it is in tight supply, then you have to transfer based on 2003 files, you know.

B: Last time I made some inquiries by calling around, —- Falun Gong — Later I contacted that side by phone, I asked my boss to call him, and he said they needed to obtain from inside there.

A: Oh.

B: Now they were all transferred to remotely located prisons, they need to get some from there, getting from there means the money, the money must be paid most to people over there, you know.

A: But I tell you, on the other hand, right now it is very stringent, and they should not ask too much. You know that several years ago, they secretly detained many Falun Gong practitioners who went to appeal but did not provide their names. There was no records, no registrations.

B: Yes. Over here, like over here it is quite normal, you know. He — did not — did not give out his name. Let me tell you, even if he did not give out his name, he would leave a code name, understand?

A: Yes.

B: Such people who did not give out names all had code number. I know this better than you. They had code number 8, they had —. All had codes in the record file.

A: Oh, so it is like this. If they only had the codes, they should also have the real names in the record. These should be in there, right?

B: If they could not find out the real names, they just left code numbers, you know.

III. It was semi-public around 2003 using Falun Gong practitioners’ organs for transplant, and now it had become a furtive operation involving money

A: Where did carry it out for the thing that you did before?

B: Ah, it is in Xicheng.

A: Are you still looking for it?

B: Well, now …..

A: I know. I understand. Can you tell me how much did they want?

B: If you want to find it, according to my connection, it is not doable without several tens of thousands of Yuan.

A: Several tens of thousands of Yuan? Give me a concrete number.

B: It would cost 20 or 30 thousand Yuan. The 20 or 30 thousand Yuan is just to find a target. It is not to say that it will be simple and straightforward to connect the organs together…

A: Right.

B: You have to pay separately, understand?

A: How much more do I need to pay?

B: I am a broker, and I am doing it because our relationship. I figure the other side would demand 200,000 Yuan, and I am only helping out because of our relationship. As far as what the other side would demand, well, it would take, well, I estimate it would take 200,000 Yuan, you know?

A: Yes.

B: Let me tell you, our line of business has its own rules. I am not playing around with you on the phone. If there is such a thing, then there is such a thing. The risk on our side is pretty big. If you want it, I will do it for you. I also need to know you better before I can do it for you. You understand?

A: Yes, that’s right.

B: You need to provide some identification so that I can trust you for sure. Otherwise, regardless how much money you pay me, I wouldn’t dare to do it for you. This is a high risk undertaking, understand?

A: Yes, I understand.

B: Our people made it clear, if we are not sure, we won’t do it regardless how much money is involved, that was what our boss said.

IV. Such killing took place with the cooperation and under the protection of CCP’s judiciary system

A: Oh, OK. Just one more question.

B: We… I tell you. To tell you the truth, what we have here all belong to this kind. We have connections with government officials. There are connections to high ranking officials. You know, I will show you such material even if you don’t ask me for it. You know.

A: Oh, sure. Oh. You are saying that the policemen, the policemen over there…

B: This… I cannot tell you anything about that.

A: OK.

B: I will not tell you too much about our business. Whatever going on high up on our side, there are rules for everything, you know.

A: OK.

B: I…I…I cannot, dare not say anything, you know.

A: Yes. Can I meet him before the organ transplant?

B: Sure, no problem about that…

A: OK. Ah… There is one more thing that I don’t quite understand. That is to say, these people are detained in forced labor camps or prisons. Normally I know that they are in the police station …

B: Right now, there are fewer in the forced labor camps.

A: Really, where are they usually detained now?

B: Right now they are somewhere in the prisons. They are in prisons now. Normally they were sent away from Beijing if they were arrested in Beijing. If they were arrested in other places, they were detained in local prisons. Normally they are sentenced to 10 years, 8 years, or something like that. There are many such cases.

A: Ah, so it’s not detention centers, nor labor camps, right?

B: It is in detention centers, it is in detention centers. After some Falun Gong practitioners were sentenced, with some sentenced to more than 10 years. They were transferred to other places for sure, you know.

A: Ah.

B: Right now it’s impossible to leave it to you. They cannot give you the material at this time, you know.

B: After such a thing is done, I tell you. It is not that I want to tell you something. Oh, some details such as the names of some people, I cannot tell you, you know.

A: Yes.

B: Like our boss, like the connections to the detention centers, I cannot tell you. This, when the time is right… you…Let me tell you in advance…making sure…You know, such as these names I cannot tell you, you know…Such confidential things I cannot tell you. Otherwise, we cannot do business in the future, you know.

AI understand what you said. I only want to ask you for two things. I want to know these things. First I want to see this person. I want to know where he came from. I want to make sure that he is really a Falun Gong practitioner. Another thing, the doctor who is going to get the kidney, I want to know if he really has the skills, not just an ordinary policeman. It is not acceptable if the quality is not guaranteed.

B: That’s for sure. What you said I cannot take it casually. How can it be casual? We have the contacts. Since we are doing this business, we have people in every department. How can you get it done without connections?

A: Yes. I am just…

B: Such operation is like a supply line, you know.

A: Yes.

A: That’s right. Do you contact the detention place directly, or you contact through the people in the police station?

B: Are you asking me the contacts now? Are you asking how I reached them? Didn’t I tell you? I cannot tell you about such a thing. Maybe I will say that I am in detention centers in Xicheng, Haidian, and Qinghe. I cannot give you the details. I cannot say. How can I say such a thing to you when I have not met you yet? That’s impossible.

V. Military and Armed Police Hospitals are alleged to have participated in harvesting organs from live Falun Gong practitioners

A: OK. Let’s schedule an appointment. I will bring along 30, 000 Yuan.

B: You must come to my place first, and I will definitely not go to your place. If you come, I will arrange my boss to check you out.

A: Can you tell me how can I find you?

B: Do you know where the No. 307 Hospital of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army is?

A: No problem. I can find it. Where specifically within the No. 307 Hospital?

B: You don’t need to go to the in-patient Department, just show up at the entrance of the hospital.

A: OK.

B: Do you know where the No. 307 Hospital is located?

A: Yeah. Since we never met before, we should have a contact sign.

B: Don’t worry about it. When you arrived at the hospital entrance, call me. I will be upstairs, so I can spot you. I can recognize you when you show up.

Last Updated ( Wednesday, 25 July 2007 )